THE CENTER RING THIS WEEK IS THE FORMER SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE, NEWT GINGRICH.

HIS BOOK, MARCH TO THE MAJORITY IS OUT NOW.

MARCH TO THE MAJORITY TELLS THE STORY OF THE 16-YEAR CAMPAIGN TO WIN THE FIRST REPUBLICAN MAJORITY IN 40 YEARS IN 1994 - AND HOW CONGRESSMAN GINGRICH ULTIMATELY BECAME THE 50 TH SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE.

WELCOME TO THE SHOW, SPEAKER NEWT GINGRICH.

>> IT'S GREAT TO BE WITH YOU AND WITH OUR MUTUAL EXPERIENCES IN THE CONGRESS, WE OUGHT TO HAVE A GREAT CONVERSATION.

>> IT'S ALWAYS A GREAT CONVERSATION WITH YOU.

I CAN TELL YOU THAT MUCH.

I WANTED TO FOCUS ON THE CONTRACT WITH AMERICA.

FIRST OF ALL, CONGRATULATIONS, AS A FORMER MEMBER OF CONGRESS, I'M GETTING ALL THE EMAILS GOING BACK AND FORDS FROM THE FORTH FROM THE VARIOUS RETIRED MEMBERS TALKING ABOUT THE CONTRACT WITH AMERICA.

I WANT TO TALK TO YOU ABOUT THAT AND HOW IT GOT STARTED.

WHAT WAS THE ORIGINAL INTENT FOR THE CONTRACT WITH AMERICA?

>> FIRST OF ALL, WE STOOD ON REAGAN'S SHOULDER, THE FIRST CAPITOL TEPS STEPS EVENT WITH THE CONTRACT WAS SEPTEMBER 1980 WHEN REAGAN AGREED TO MEET WITH ALL THE CANDIDATES FOR THE HOUSE AND SENATE AND WE HAD A CONTRACT WITH FIVE IDEAS.

AND I HELPED ORGANIZE THAT.

SO WHEN WE GOT AROUND TO IT IN 1994, I KNEW THAT WE NEEDED A DOCUMENT THAT WAS POSITIVE AND THAT WOULDS SIMPLE.

SO THERE ARE ONLY 10 ITEMS IN THE CONTRACT.

AND THE REASON WAS WE ARE GOING TO HAVE A LOT OF CANDIDATES WHO HAD NEVER RUN BEFORE AND YOU COULDN'T GIVE THEM SOMETHING SO COMPLICATED THAT THEY COULDN'T REMEMBER IT.

AND FEIGNINGLY, YOU CAN'T COMMUNICATE VERY COMPLICATED THINGS IN A COUNTRY THIS SIZE AND THIS COMPLEX.

SO WE DEVELOPED A CONTRACT.

I GIVE DICK ARMY A LOT OF CREDIT FOR THE WORK THAT WENT INTO IT.

WE HAD LEGISLATION FOR EVERY SINGLE ITEM IN THE CONTRACT.

AND WHETHER WE GOT TOGETHER ON THE CAP TOLL STEPS IN SEPTEMBER, IT WAS A GREAT MOMENT.

WE HAD THE 30th ANNIVERSARY GATHERING OF MEMBERS WHO HAD BEEN THERE.

AND IT GAVE US A POSITIVE ANCHOR TO THE CAMPAIGN.

I WAS CONVINCED THAT IF WE JUST RAN AN ANTI-CLINTON CAMPAIGN, WE WOULD GET PROBABLY 25 SEATS.

BUT WE WOULD NEVER GET TO A MAJORITY.

BUT RUNNING A POSITIVE CAMPAIGN WITH A POSITIVE SET OF IDEAS FOR REFORM, WE WERE IN A POSITION, I THOUGHT, TO REALLY BE ABLE TO REACH OUT AND POTENTIALLY GAIN A MAJORITY AND THAT'S WHAT HAPPENED.

>> AND I'LL TELL YOU, ONE OF THE GREAT ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF IT IS THAT YOU PUT THE HOUSE IN PLAY AND IT HAS BEEN PERMANENTLY IN PLAY EVER SINCE.

THAT IN AND OF ITSELF IN MY MIND IS SOMETHING THAT IS REALLY IMPORTANT WHEN YOU HAVE TWO-PARTY SYSTEM, RIGHT?

SO IF YOU HAD TO PICK OUT ONE THING THAT YOU ARE MOST PROUD OF, OTHER THAN THE FACT THAT IT GAVE YOU THE MAJORITY AND PUT THE REPUBLICANS BACK IN PLAY ON A REGULAR BASIS.

WHAT IF AND OF ITSELF OF THE CONTRACT IS SOMETHING YOU ARE REALLY PROUD OF AND HAPPY TO HAVE BEEN ABLE TO ACCOMPLISH?

>> WELL, I MEAN THE BIGGEST ACCOMPLISHMENT, WITHOUT ANY DOUBT, WAS THE FACT THAT THIS IS THE ONLY TIME IN LITERALLY 100 YEARS, THAT YOU HAD FOUR CONSECUTIVE BALANCED BUDGETS.

IT WAS A HUGE ACHIEVEMENT ENORMOUS CHANGE AND AN EXAMPLE OF A TEAMWORK TOGETHER TO ACHIEVE A LARGE GOAL.

WHEN I LEFT OFFICE, ALAN GREEN SPAN WHO WAS CHAIRMAN OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE, GAVE A SPEECH IN WHICH HE SAID THEY WERE THINKING ABOUT HOW TO DEAL WITH THE MONEY SUPPLY WHEN, IN 2009, WE FINISHED PAYING OFF THE NATIONAL DEBT.

THAT'S THE MOMENTUM WE HAD BUILT UP THROUGH THE TIME I LEFT THE SPEAKERSHIP.

SO I WOULD SAY BALANCING THE FEDERAL BUDGET FOR FOUR STRAIGHT YEARS, CREATING THE ECONOMIC GROWTH AND THEN WITH WELFARE REFORM, CREATING THE INCENTIVE TO LEAVE THE WELFARE SYSTEM AND GO OUT INTO THE MARKET AND BECOME A PERSON EARNING A LIVING, THOSE WERE THE THINGS THAT ARE PROBABLY THE GREATEST HISTORIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THAT PERIOD.

>> ONE OF THE QUITE REMARKABLE THINGS ABOUT THAT IS THAT DID YOU THAT WHEN BILL CLINTON WAS IN THE WHITE HOUSE, RIGHT?

SO BILL CLINTON, A DEMOCRAT, WORKED WITH YOU TO BALANCE A BUDGET AND TO REFORM WELFARE.

THAT'S PRETTY REMARKABLE WHEN YOU THINK ABOUT IT.

AND I CAN'T IMAGINE SOMETHING LIKE THAT HAPPENING TODAY.

>> OH SURE.

LOOK, THE KEY TO IT-- AND THIS WAS SOMETHING THAT REALLY CAME TO ME WHEN WE HAD OUR 30th REUNION AND I LISTENED TO PEOPLE TALK FOR A WHILE.

WE REALLY STOOD IN REAGAN'S SHOULDER.

THERE IS A BOOK CALLED THE EDUCATION OF RONALD REAGAN, WHICH IS ABOUT REAGAN'S EIGHT YEARS AT GENERAL ELECTRIC.

AND REAGAN LEARNED AN PROACH TO PUBLIC OPINION AND AN APPROACH TO LEADERSHIP WHICH HE APPLIED VERY SYSTEMATICALLY WHILE HE WAS PRESIDENT AND BEFORE THAT WHEN HE WAS GOVERNOR.

I LEARNED IT FROM HIM AND IT'S BASED ON THE PRINCIPLE THAT LINCOLN HAD SAID, LINCOLN SAID AT ONE POINT, THAT WITH POPULAR SENTIMENT, ANYTHING IS POSSIBLE.

WITHOUT POPULAR SENTIMENT, NOTHING IS POSSIBLE.

SO EVERYTHING WE DID STARTED WITH THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.

REAGAN HIMSELF SAID IN HIS FAREWELL ADDRESS IN 1989, THAT PEOPLE SAID THAT HE HAD WON GREAT VICTORIES BUT HE SAID THAT WASN'T TRUE.

THAT IT WAS YOU, THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, WHO WON THOSE VICTORIES.

IT WAS YOUR PHONE CALLS.

IT WAS YOUR INVOLVEMENT.

IT WAS YOUR CONVERSATIONS.

AND I REALIZE THAT REAGAN HAD ALWAYS-- AND I HAD SERVED WITH HIM AS A CONGRESSMAN.

I REALIZE HE ALWAYS TRIANGULATED WITH THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AND THE CONGRESS AS HE ONCE PUT IT, HIS JOB WAS TO TURN UP THE LIGHT ON THE AMERICAN PEOPLE SO THEY WOULD TURN UP THE HEAT ON CONGRESS.

SO WHAT WE DID WAS CONSTANTLY MANEUVERED CLINTON ON ISSUES WHERE, IF HE WANTED TO GET RE-ELECTED, HE HAD TO GO ALONG WITH US.

AND THEN WE SPENT A TREMENDOUS AMOUNT OF TIME TOGETHER.

HE AND I WERE ABOUT THE SAME AGE.

WE WERE BOTH KIND OF NATURAL GRADUATE STUDENTS.

SO WE LIKED GETTING TOGETHER AND JUST TALKING.

AND WE SPENT 35 DAYS TOGETHER NEGOTIATING THE BALANCED BUDGET.

WELL, YOU GET A FEEL FOR EACH OTHER.

AND I HAD A VERY SIMPLE MOTTO.

THINK OF IT AS A BOX.

ONE SIDE OF THE BOX WAS WHAT THE PRESIDENT HAD TO HAVE.

THE OTHER SIDE OF THE BOX IS WHAT HE COULDN'T GIVE UP.

ONE SIDE OF THE BOX WAS WHAT I HAD TO HAVE.

THE OTHER SIDE OF THE BOX IS WHAT I COULDN'T GIVE UP.

AWE NOW IN BETWEEN THOSE FOUR SIDES, YOU COULD FIND A DEAL.

AND SO WE WOULD HAVE TO TALK A WHILE TO FIGURE OUT WHAT THE SIDES OF THE BOX WERE AND THEN YOU COULD COME TO AN AGREEMENT.

>> Mr. SPEAKER, I MUST TELL YOU, AMERICA IS CRAVING FOR THAT RIGHT NOW.

THEY REALLY ARE.

THAT TYPE OF LEADERSHIP.

AND IT'S TALKING ABOUT BENDING.

AND IT SEEMS LIKE POLITICS HAVE SUCH AN EXTREME.

BEFORE WE GET TO ONE OF MY OTHER QUESTIONS, I WANT TO ASK YOU THIS ONE.

ONE THING THAT DIDN'T GET ACCOMPLISHED IS SOMETHING SEEMS TO BE PART OF THE POPULAR SENTIMENT NOW IS TERM LIMITS.

WHAT IS YOUR THOUGHT ON TERM LIMITS OVERALL AND TERM LIMITS FOR THE CONGRESS AND THE SENATE?

>> I DON'T HAVE ANY PROBLEM WITH TERM LIMITS IF THEY'RE LONG ENOUGH.

I WOULD SAY 12 YEARS, FOR EXAMPLE.

BUT WHEN YOU LOOK AT STATES WHERE THEY'RE REALLY SHORT LIKE SIX YEARS OR EIGHT YEARS, YOU ARE REALLY TURNING A LOT OF POWER OVER TO THE BUREAUCRACY AND THE LOBBYISTS BECAUSE ALL TOO OFTEN, PARTICULARLY AT SIX YEARS, PEOPLE DON'T KNOW WHAT THEY'RE DOING.

LEGISLATING IS EXTRAORDINARILY COMPLICATED.

I HAVE BEEN A CONGRESSMAN FOR 16 YEARS BEFORE I BECAME SPEAKER.

AND I NEEDED THAT TIME TO REALLY THOROUGHLY UNDERSTAND WHAT IT TAKES TO LEAD A FREE PEOPLE AND TO GET THEM TO VOLUNTARILY WORK TOGETHER AS A TEAM.

>> I COULDN'T AGREE WITH YOU MORE ABOUT THAT.

LISTEN, BEFORE WE WRAP UP, I WANT TO TALK A LITTLE BIT.

IS THERE ANY UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONTRACT WITH AMERICA THAT YOU CAN THINK OF?

SOMETHING THAT YOU DIDN'T FORESEE THAT MAY NOT BE GREAT OR SOMETHING THAT YOU COULD HAVE DONE BETTER WITH IT?

>> I WOULD SAY THAT THE DEGREE TO WHICH WE COULDN'T REALLY EXPLAIN TO OUR COLLEAGUES WHAT WE WERE DOING AT A DEEP ENOUGH LEVEL, YOU KNOW, I LOOKED BACK ON IT LATER.

REAGAN AND THATCHER AND I ALL HAD THE SAME PROBLEM.

WE WERE ALL ESSENTIALLY REVOLUTIONARIES.

WE WERE ALL TRYING TO PROFOUNDLY CHANGE WHAT WAS GOING ON.

AND IN ALL THREE CASES, WE FAILED TO SHIFT THE CULTURE OF OUR OWN PARTY.

WHEN REAGAN LEFT, GEORGE H. AND W. BUSH DIDN'T UNDERSTAND REAGANISM, WHEN THATCHER LEFT, HER SUCCESSOR DIDN'T UNDERSTAND THATCHERRISM.

AND WHEN I LEFT, NEITHER GEORGE W. NOR DENNY HASTERT UNDERSTOOD WHAT WE HAD DONE AND I HAVE OFTEN THOUGHT ABOUT HOW COULD-- CULTURES ARE VERY COMPLEX AND VERY DIFFICULT.

AND THE PARTY REVERTED TO THE NORM.

NOW WE ARE GOING TO SEE IN THE NEAR FUTURE, WHETHER OR NOT TRUMP CAN DO A BETTER JOB OF FUNDAMENTALLY CHANGING THE PARTY THAN EITHER REAGAN OR THATCHER OR I DID.

>> SO HOW CAN WE-- HOW CAN YOU ACHIEVE THAT VERY, VERY ELUSIVE GOAL?

FIRST OF ALL, IS IT ACHIEVABLE?

AND IF IT IS, HOW CAN YOU COME TOGETHER AND FIX THAT ASPECT?

BECAUSE THAT IS ANOTHER THE PROBLEM WITH MODERN POLITICS.

>> I HAVE A VERY SIMPLE MODEL I LEARNED FROM THE U.S. ARMY.

LISTEN, LEARN, HELP AND LEAD.

MY ADVICE TO THE NEXT PRESIDENT IS YOU GOT TO LISTEN.

YOU CAN'T HAVE POPULAR SENTIMENT IF YOU DON'T PAY ATTENTION TO POPULAR SENTIMENT.

THAT REQUIRES LISTENING TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.

THE FOUNDING FATHERS DESIGNED A MACHINE SO INEFFICIENT THAT NO DICTATOR COULD MAKE IT WORK.

IT'S A BRILLIANT DESIGN.

THE SENATE IS ELECTED FOR SIX YEARS, THE HOUSE FOR TWO YEARS.

THE PRESIDENT FOR FOUR YEARS.

THE SUPREME COURT IS OFF TO ONE SIDE.

AND IT'S VERY, VERY HARD TO GET IT TO WORK.

AND THAT'S HOW IT WAS DESIGNED.

SO I ALWAYS TELL PEOPLE, YOU KNOW, YOU HAVE TO BE UNBELIEVABLY PATIENT.

WE TALKED ABOUT CHEERFUL PERSISTENCE.

YOU HAD TO RECOGNIZE THAT ANYTHING WORTH DOING TOOK TIME AND EFFORT.

YOU HAD TO REACH OUT TO OTHER PEOPLE, AND YOU HAD TO BUILD A TEAM.

AND THAT'S EXACTLY WHAT THE FOUNDING FATHERS WANTED.

>> Mr. SPEAKER, YOU SOUND EXACTLY LIKE WHAT AMERICA WANTS TO HEAR RIGHT NOW AND I DEARLY HOPE AT SOME POINT WE DO GET TO WHAT YOU ARE TALKING ABOUT.

I REALLY APPRECIATE YOUR INSIGHT.

I WISH WE HAD MUCH MORE TIME.

I COULD TALK TO YOU FOREVER.

THANK YOU VERY MUCH FOR COMING.

>> THANK YOU.

AGAIN, THE BOOK IS CALLED MARCH TO THE MAJORITY AND IS AVAILABLE ON AMAZON, BARNES AND NOBLE AND IN BOOKSTORES EVERYWHERE.

CHECK IT OUT.

IT'S A GREAT READ.